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Charles Tilly , an American political scientist and sociologist, theorized that organized crime can function as a means for war and state making.
Political scientist Jesse Driscoll uses the term "redistribution politics" to classify the bargaining process between warlords and the regime in states where cooperative warlord politics prevails, and when that bargaining leads to accords or informal arrangements concerning the extraction of rent—which can refer to natural resources, territory, labor, revenue or privilege.
In his study of warlordism in Georgia and Tajikistan, Driscoll cites " land reform , property ownership and transfers, privatization in non-transparent closed-bid settings, complex credit swaps cemented via marriages, money laundering , price fixing schemes , and bribery," as principal sources of exchange in redistribution politics.
Noted theorist Max Weber suggested that classic feudalism in pre-modern-state Europe was an example of warlordism, as the state regime was unable to "exercise a monopoly on the use of force within its territory"  and the monarch relied on the commitment of loyal knights and other nobility to mobilize their private armies in support of the crown for specific military campaigns.
As noted French philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville and political scientists such as E. Under the feudal system of Europe, nobility—whether feudal lords, knights, princes or barons—were warlords in that they served as regional leaders who exercised military, economic and political control over subnational territories and maintained private armies to maintain that status.
While their political power to exercise social order, welfare and regional defense within their territory was derived from hereditary rights or edicts from the monarch, their military strength afforded them independence and strength to negotiate for privileges.
Should the feudal lord or other noble withdraw his support from the king, either in rebellion or to form an alliance with a rival kingdom, that feudal lord or noble was now ascribing to the political order of Ungoverned Warlordism.
Within political science there is a growing body of research and analysis on warlordism that has emerged within weak states that have gained independence as a result of the collapse of empire.
While warlords are commonly viewed as regional leaders who threaten the sovereignty of a state, there are a number of states where the central government functions in collusion with warlords to achieve its goal of exercising its sovereignty over regions that would otherwise fall outside its control.
In such decentralized states, particularly those where armed groups challenge national sovereignty , warlords can serve as useful allies of a central government that is unable to establish a monopoly over the use of force within its national territory.
As political scientist Dr. Ariel Hernandez documented, one example is the Philippines , where successive presidential administrations—at least since Ferdinand Marcos secured power in —have "franchised violence to regional warlords" to counter the inroads of communist insurgents , Islamic rebels and organized criminal gangs.
Warlordism in Afghanistan—another state where the central government is unable to extend political, military or bureaucratic control over large swaths of territories outside the capital—functions cooperatively within the framework of the state, at times.
The warlords, with their established militias, are able to maintain a monopoly of violence within certain territories.
They form coalitions with competing warlords and local tribal leaders to present the central government with a challenge, and often the state will bargain to gain access to resources or " rent ", loyalty from the warlord and peace in the region.
In exchange for peaceful coexistence, the warlord coalitions are granted special status and privileges, including the right to maintain de facto political rule within the agreed-upon territory, exert force to retain their monopoly over violence and extract rent and resources.
In the case of Afghanistan, the state-warlord bargaining sometimes extends beyond these informal accords and elevates to the status of political clientelism , in which the warlords are appointed to formal government positions, such as regional governor; a title which provides them political legitimacy.
It has been shown that during the state-warlord bargaining phase, warlords in Afghanistan have a high motivation to prolong war to create political instability, expose weakness of the central state, prompt regional criticism against the government and continue economic extraction.
In his study of warlordism in Georgia and Tajikistan , political scientist Jesse Driscoll emphasizes how the collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the entification of militant, independence-seeking nationalist movements within the republics —particularly within the Central Asian and Caucasus regions—resulting in armed conflict and civil war.
Many strongmen warlords had previously served in the Soviet military , police units or intelligence services and had experience operating within highly organized bureaucracies.
These warlords formed well-structured militias that not only established political and economic control over territories, but institutionalized bureaucracies to establish and maintain their monopolies over violence and rent and "incentivizing the behavior of citizens within a particular geographical space".
A truce was reached without any disarmament of militias; instead, the warlord coalitions reached a non-violent "order producing equilibrium",  and eventually agreed upon a warlord-friendly civilian figurehead to assume head-of-state duties to demonstrate the legitimacy as a sovereign state to the rest of the world.
This opened up Georgia and Tajikistan as states eligible to receive international aid , which thereafter became a major source of " rent " for the warlords, providing them with resources to increase their power and influence over these societies.
As Driscoll observed, the "warlords colluded to create a state". One political theory, pioneered by American economist Mancur Olson , posits that warlords can function as stationary bandits.
In some African states warlord politics can be a product of endowment-rich, extractable resources. Some nations, including Liberia and Sierra Leone, have had stationary bandits who use extraction of resources such as diamonds , cobalt and timber in order to increase their political power.
They often enforce their right to these resources by claiming to be protecting the people. The result is a political system in which a dominant coalition of warlords strips and distributes valuable assets in exchange for bureaucratic services and security from foreign firms.
Stationary bandits can amass power because of their economic connections with foreign firms. Oftentimes warlords will exert violence on a particular region in order to gain control.
Once in control, these warlords can expropriate the property or resources from the people and land and redistribute the riches in exchange for monetary value.
When people live in a particular region dominated by a warlord, they can choose to flee or live within the political structure the warlords have created.
If the warlords provide protection against external threats of violence, the people will be likely to stay and continue living and working in that region, even though they are being extorted.
The trade-off becomes protection for extraction, and this political framework is common in periphery regions of countries which do not have a strong central government.
Present-day Afghanistan is a multiethnic, multilingual country occupied by distinct and often competing tribal societies, where national borders were defined only following decolonization in , when the British signed the Treaty of Rawalpindi.
Historically, power in Afghanistan has been decentralized and governance resigned locally to ethnic tribal leadership. Tribal leaders act as local warlords, representing either a tribal confederacy, a tribal kinship group or a smaller tribal lineage grouping, and are expected to provide security, justice and social services to their respective constituencies.
One of the lingering geopolitical crises stemming from British colonialism is the challenge to Pashtun society posed by the Durand Line , the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan demarcated by the British, which bisects the traditional tribal territory of the Pashtuns.
The severing of their tribal lands is viewed by Pashtun leaders as a threat to their dominance within Afghanistan, emboldening rival ethnic tribes, and has provoked cross-border tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Although the United States and its coalition allies have expended a considerable amount of time, effort and resources attempting to foment the centralization of government and consolidation of power in the state with its seat of power in Kabul ,     tribal warlords continue to maintain political influence and power throughout the country outside of Kabul.
While most warlords have power invested in them through traditional tribal customs, some hold formal regional government positions, but in both cases cooperation with the central government remains voluntary and reliant on incentives.
Warlordism was widespread in Civil War-era Russia — Many territories were not under the control of either the Red government in Petrograd later in Moscow or the White governments in Omsk and Rostov.
These territories were controlled by warlords of various political colors. The Cossack ataman Semyonov held territories in the Transbaikalia region, and the Bloody Baron Ungern von Sternberg was the dictator of Mongolia for a short time.
Note that White generals such as Kolchak or Denikin are not considered warlords, because they created a legitimate, though troubled, government and military command.
The term "warlord" was frequently used when Russian and Chechen conflicts were reignited in the s. After seizing power from President Samuel Doe in a rebellion, Taylor won elections in His critics say that he bullied and bought his way to power, and once he obtained it he established himself as one of the most brutal and murderous warlords in Africa.
During his term of office Taylor was accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity as a result of his involvement in the Sierra Leone Civil War — His close friends included the late Col.
He was found guilty in April of all 11 charges levied by the Special Court, including terror, murder and rape. Throughout history, warlordism was the dominant feature of politics in China , where regional emperors exercised military, political, economic and social control over kingdoms whose territorial boundaries were constantly changing due to temporary alliances and unification of kingdoms or through inter-kingdom warfare.
Although Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek ascended with legitimacy into his role of leadership of the KMT by succeeding Sun Yat-sen , [ citation needed ] led the KMT on the Northern Expedition that unified China as a republic by , and served as de facto leader of the Republic of China from —75; [ citation needed ] Chiang Kai-shek is considered a warlord.
Afterwards, he led the two-year Northern Expedition campaign —28 that not only defeated the Beiyang Army and toppled the Beiyang government.
In this process, Chiang conquered and conscripted the forces of all rival warlords who posed a threat to his vision of unifying China.
His power was derived from his ability to maintain the loyalty of the armed forces, not from the political legitimacy of democratic elections.
At the time of disintegration, many warlords tried to enthrone themselves or rule the khanate jointly; however, there had been powerful de facto leaders in all parts of the Mongol Empire before.
The empire and the states that emerged from it were born and shaped in part from the heavy influence of roving bandits. These warlords, such as Genghis Khan and his immediate successors, conquered nearly all of Asia and European Russia and sent armies as far as Central Europe and Southeast Asia.
The Twelve Warlords War was a period ranging from —68 characterized by chaos and civil war. As a result, the country fractured into 12 regions, each led by a warlord.
This resulted in conflicts and war among the regional warlords, who all sought to expand their territory and enhance their power. Warlordism in Europe is usually connected to various mercenary companies and their chieftains, which often were de facto power-holders in the areas where they resided.
Warlords of Draenor was met with generally favorable reviews at its release, shown by its rating of 87 on Metacritic.
Warlords of Draenor sold over 3. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. November 13, . Gameplay of World of Warcraft.
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